What Is The Sykes Picot Agreement
The Anglo-French declaration was read in the protocol, and Pichon commented that it showed the selfless position of the two governments towards the Arabs and Lloyd George that it was “more important than all the old agreements”.  Pichon mentioned an agreement proposed on 15 February on the basis of the private agreement between Clemenceau and Lloyd George last December.  (According to Lieshout, Clemenceau presented Lloyd George, just before Faisal met at the conference of 6, a proposal that seems to cover the same subject; Lieshout, which issued on British materials related to the 6, while the date is not specified in the minutes.  At a meeting in a railway car in Saint-Jean-de-Maurienne, On 19 April 1917, an interim agreement was reached between british and French Prime Ministers David Lloyd George and Alexandre Ribot, the Italian Prime Minister and Foreign Ministers Paolo Boselli and Sidney Sonnino, in order to respond to Italian interest in the Ottoman Empire, in particular Article 9 of the Treaty of London.  The agreement was necessary by the Allies to secure the position of the Italian armed forces in the Middle East. Meanwhile, at the end of May, the French in power, who made themselves available to the armed forces, continued to expect that the British would be replaced by French troops in Syria, even though they had argued over the exact geographical boundaries of these forces and, more generally, at the expense of relations; After the 21st meeting, Lloyd George Clemenceau had written and cancelled the Long-Bérenger oil agreement (revised version agreed at the end of April), which claimed that he did not know or want it to become a subject, while Clemenceau claimed that this had not been the subject of a dispute. There were also discussions about what was agreed or not at the private meeting between Clemenceau and Lloyd George last December.   The aim was to compensate for the loss of military power in the Middle East theatre of the First World War, when Russian troops (tsarists) left the Caucasus countryside, although they were replaced by troops from the First Republic of Armenia.  It was clear to the Italians that the territory allocated to them might not be easily abandoned by the Turkish Empire, so the British Prime Minister proposed a vague formula for post-war adjustment if the actual post-war allocation did not appear to be balanced.  After the outbreak of war in the summer of 1914, the Allies – Britain, France and Russia – had much discussion about the future of the Ottoman Empire, which is now fighting on the side of Germany and the central powers, and its vast area in the Middle East, South and South America.
In March 1915, Britain signed a secret agreement with Russia, whose plans for the territory of the Empire had prompted the Turks to join Germany and Austria-Hungary in 1914. Under its terms, Russia would annex the Ottoman capital, Constantinople, and retain control of the Dardanelles (the extremely important strait that connects the Black Sea to the Mediterranean) and the Gallipoli Peninsula, the target of a major Allied military invasion, which began in April 1915. In exchange, Russia would accept British claims to other territories of the former Ottoman Empire and Central Persia, including the oil-rich region of Mesopotamia. The agreement was originally used directly as the basis for the 1918 Anglo-French modus vivendi, which provided a framework for the Occupied Enemy Territory Administration in the Levant. More generally, it was to lead indirectly to the subsequent partition of the Ottoman Empire after the Ottoman defeat of 1918.